Women are disadvantaged at all ages, but old age is the culmination of all of their misfortunes, particularly in India. Elderly women are among the most marginalised sections of society, bearing the double burden of gender and age. Although the country has a massive youth population with the potential to bring a so-called ‘demographic dividend’, an important cohort often neglected in public discourse is the rapidly growing elderly population. At the time of the 2011 census, elderly individuals (age >60) made up 8.6 percent of India’s population — a figure projected to reach 19.5 percent by 2050. Like many other countries, India is also experiencing the phenomenon of feminisation of ageing, i.e., elderly women outnumbering their male counterparts.
The sex ratio of India’s elderly population aged 60 and above is skewed in favour of women at 1,065 women per 1,000 men, higher in urban areas (1,084 women per 1,000 men) as compared to rural areas (1,055 women per 1,000 men), and is expected to increase further to 1,078 women per 1,000 men by 2031. The sex ratio among the elderly exceeds 1,000 in 17 states and Union Territories, and surpasses 1,200 in Tamil Nadu (1,213 women per 1,000 men), Manipur (1,210 women per 1,000 men), Dadra and Nagar Haveli (1,270 women per 1,000 men), and Daman and Diu (1,278 women per 1,000 men). As of 2021, India had an estimated 71 million elderly women — more than the total populations of countries like the United Kingdom (69.1 million), France (66.5 million), Tanzania (68.5 million), South Africa (64 million), and Italy (59.3 million).
While gender issues have gained visibility in international discourse on equality, inclusion, and sustainable development, the subject of these discussions are largely girls and younger women. The voices of older women — who are often deprived of education, incomes, and assets — remain unheard. This paper describes the socio-economic and health status of elderly women in India, highlights their contributions to the economy and society, and provides policy recommendations to improve their well-being. It is intended for policymakers, development practitioners, and students interested in issues around ageing, human development, and gender equality. Based on secondary research, the paper draws on data from the Longitudinal Ageing Study in India (LASI), government reports, and academic and popular literature on ageing and gender.
The paper is structured in five sections: section 1 discusses the socio-economic conditions of elderly women in India, with a focus on the National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP), the government’s main scheme for the elders. Section 2 delves into the health concerns of elderly women in India. Section 3 explores their social and economic contributions. Section 4 argues for greater public assistance for them, while Section 5 makes a case for a ‘society for all ages’ through better geriatric care and a community-led care model. The paper closes with an outline of specific policy recommendations.
Socio-economic Characteristics of Elderly Women in India
Indian elderly women face many disadvantages due to gender, widowhood, poverty, and lack of education. Nearly 2.8 million elderly women in rural areas and 0.8 million in urban areas live alone. Also, 54 percent of elderly women outlive their partners. A 2023 report by the Guild for Service for the National Human Rights Commission has found that a widow’s age affects her economic stability and health outcomes. Young widows are typically poorly educated, have dependent children, and engage in low-paid jobs to support their children. Further, the report finds that underage marriage is a contributor to impoverished widowhood, as most widows did not have any formal education or else had rudimentary schooling; they also lack productive assets like land, resulting in life-long dependency.
Depressive symptoms due to loneliness and low life satisfaction are common among elderly women. Those in urban or semi-urban areas often lack a sense of community and are heavily dependent on their children. Factors that influence positive ageing, such as good health, financial security, leisure activities, and assuming social roles, are often unavailable to elderly women, particularly widows from poorer households.
Figures 1 and 2 illustrate the stark gender divide: while over 60 percent of men above 60 years are literate, only 31.8 percent of the women aged 60-75 years and 26.7 percent of those above 75 years are (Figure 1). Median years of schooling are much lower for elderly women, and only 1 percent have completed 12 or more years of education, compared to 16.1 percent of men in the same age group (Figure 2).
Moreover, among the small proportion of literate elderly women, financial and digital literacy remain critically low. Female financial literacy in India stands at just 21 percent. A survey by the Agewell India Foundation found that 95 percent of elderly women are digitally illiterate, compared to 76.5 percent of elderly men. The lack of functional literacy undermines their independence and limits their ability to take independent decisions, particularly financial ones.
Figure 1: Literacy and Median Years of Schooling of India’s Elderly Population (2017-18)
Figure 2: Educational Attainment of India’s Elderly Population by Gender (2017-18, in %)
The rise in the elderly population in India has not been accompanied by growing personal incomes, making poverty and destitution — especially among elderly women — a main concern. Most elderly individuals lack a regular income and face financial crises, mainly due to poor financial conditions even in their youth. Currently, about 78.3 percent of elderly individuals who have ever worked in the organised sector do not receive any pension (Figure 3). The situation is worse for elderly women: only 7.8 percent of elderly women who have ever worked in the organised sector receive a pension, compared to 23.2 percent of men, while 89.2 percent of elderly women are not likely to ever receive one.
Minimal social protection leaves elderly women completely dependent on their families, particularly their children. Their well-being is closely tied to the family’s financial condition. The LASI study finds that 16.3 percent of elderly women receive financial support from family and friends, more than elderly men (14 percent). Additionally, poverty levels are also higher in families with an elderly person due to higher out-of-pocket health expenditures and low coverage of old-age pensions.
Figure 3: Pension Status of Retired Men and Women Aged 60 and Above from the Organised Sector
Launched in 1995, the National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP), a centrally sponsored scheme by the Ministry of Rural Development, aims to provide social assistance benefits to poor households in cases of old age, death of a breadwinner, or disability. It currently includes three social welfare schemes for the elderly: the Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension Scheme (IGNOAPS), the Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension Scheme (IGNWPS), and the Annapurna Scheme.
Under the IGNOAPS, the central government provides a pension of INR 200 per month for beneficiaries ages 60 to 79 and INR 500 per month for those above 80 years. IGNWPS provides INR 200 per month to widows from BPL (Below Poverty Line) households, with the pension discontinued if the beneficiary remarries or moves above the poverty line. In the case of both IGNOAPS and IGNWPS, the state governments were directed to pay a contribution equal to or more than the central government. So, the actual pension received depends on the combined contribution of the state and the centre. The Annapurna Scheme provides 10 kg of free food grains per month to elderly persons above the age of 65.
The launch of the NSAP was an important step in supporting the elderly in poor households, but structural and implementation gaps remain. First, the coverage, awareness, and utilisation of social security schemes are particularly low among elderly women. Except for the IGNWPS — better known among rural women — elderly women are generally less aware of government schemes than men (Figure 4). Also, urban women are less aware than their rural counterparts.
Only 26.3 percent and 23.9 percent of elderly women from BPL households receive pensions under IGNOAPS and IGNWPS, respectively (Figure 5). Among non-BPL households, only 15.9 percent and 13.9 percent of the elderly women receive pensions under IGNOAPS and IGNWPS. Pension coverage among elderly men is higher under IGNOAPS, at 31.4 percent. The coverage of the Annapurna Scheme is just about 1 percent for both men and women.
Figure 4: Awareness of Social Security Schemes Among Elderly Ages 60 and Above, by Sex and Residence (2017-18, in %)
Figure 5: Elderly Ages 60 and Above Receiving Social Security Scheme Benefits
Second, pension amounts vary widely between states and union territories due to differing levels of state contributions. For instance, elderly women between 60 and 79 years old in states like Goa, Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, and Mizoram only receive between INR 200-300 per month, as state governments either do not contribute anything or make nominal contributions (Figure 6). In contrast, states like Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Puducherry, Telangana, and Tripura provide much higher pensions — INR 2,000-2,750 per month — due to substantial state contributions exceeding INR 1,800 per month (Figure 6).
Similarly, elderly women above 80 years in Puducherry (INR 3,500), Haryana (INR 3,000), Andhra Pradesh (INR 2,750), Delhi (INR 2,500), and Sikkim (INR 2,500) get a higher pension due to larger state contributions, while in Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Bihar, Daman and Diu, Goa, Manipur, and Nagaland, elderly women above 80 years only receive INR 500, as these states and UTs make no contribution at all (Figure 7). Despite their higher disease burden and economic vulnerabilities, most states contribute less for those above 80 years of age. Barring a few states like Arunachal Pradesh, Delhi, and Puducherry, most states and union territories make lower contributions for them than for elderly persons between 60 and 79 years. Again, states like Goa, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Nagaland, and Mizoram make either very nominal or low contributions to the IGNWPS (Figure 8). As a result, widows in these states receive INR 300-400 per month.
Figure 6: Cash Transfers Under IGNOAPS for Elderly Between 60-79 Years, by State
Figure 8: Cash Transfers Under IGWPS for Widowed Women, by State
A third gap is that, due to the Centre’s low contribution, many vulnerable elderly women in central and northeastern states like Chhattisgarh, Manipur, and Nagaland receive meagre amounts between INR 200-500 per month — amounts that fail to cover living costs (Figures 6, 7, and 8).
Fourth, the pension amounts are not inflation indexed. The centre’s contribution under IGNOAPS and IGNWPS has remained constant at INR 200 and INR 300 per month since 2007 and 2009, respectively.
Lastly, budget allocations for IGNOAPS and IGNWPS have not kept pace with the growing elderly population. The budget for IGNOAPS and IGNWPS declined by 4.1 percent in 2025-26, from INR 9,041.9 crore in 2024-25 to INR 8,672.9 crore in 2025-26 (Figure 9). Except for a temporary increase in 2020-21 due to advance pension payments during the COVID-19 pandemic, funding has seen only marginal nominal increases. In real terms, IGNWPS has faced consistent decline in budget allocation (Figure 10). IGNOAPS also witnessed budget cuts in real terms from INR 5,318 crore in 2017-18 to INR 4,477.2 crore in 2025-26.
Figure 9: Centre’s Expenditure on IGNOAPS and IGNWPS (2015-16 to 2025-26)
Note: Figures from 2015-16 to 2023-24 are actual expenditures **Revised Estimates ***Budget Estimates
Figure 10: Centre’s Expenditure on IGNWPS in 2012 Prices (2015-16 to 2023-24)
Note: IGNOAPS and IGNWPS budget expenditure figures have been deflated using wholesale price index (base-2012)
Health Concerns of Elderly Women
Although women live longer than men, they are not necessarily healthier. Elderly women typically have more morbidities and often find basic tasks more challenging than their male counterparts. Research from both developed and developing countries suggests that elderly women rate their health poorer than men. In India, the percentage of elderly women reporting poor self-rated health (26 percent) is higher than that of men (22 percent). The prevalence of cardiovascular diseases like hypertension, and bone and joint diseases like arthritis, rheumatism, osteoporosis, and cancer, is higher among elderly women than men (Figure 11). The prevalence of locomotor, mental, and visual impairments is also higher among elderly women. Elderly women, particularly from rural areas, have more mobility restrictions, and their prevalence of ADL (Activities of Daily Living) limitations is higher than that of men. Older adult women also face gynaecological and postmenopausal morbidities.
Figure 11: Self-Reported Prevalence of Selected Chronic Conditions Among India’s Elderly Population (>60 years)
Geriatric nutrition is a key concern, as many older persons face undernutrition due to inadequate access to nutrient-dense foods. Factors such as financial constraints, lack of knowledge about dietary needs, and challenges in food preparation hinder their ability to maintain a nutritious diet. Sundarkumar et al. (2021) studied rural Karnataka and found a high prevalence of low vitamin D (75.7 percent), vitamin D deficiency (39.1 percent), vitamin B12 deficiency (42.3 percent), and folic acid deficiency (11.1 percent). Elderly women had a higher prevalence of vitamin D deficiency, with women aged 75 and above experiencing the maximum burden of low vitamin D (94.3 percent) and folic acid deficiency (21.8 percent).
More than 27 percent of the senior population are underweight, while 22 percent are overweight/obese. Underweight incidence is more common in rural areas, while obesity and overweight are more common in urban areas. Elderly women are more likely to be overweight (18 percent) and obese (8 percent) than men (15 percent and 3 percent, respectively). Sedentary lifestyles, particularly in urban areas, contribute to obesity, which negatively affects daily life, leads to other morbidities, and makes care during disability very difficult.
Elderly women typically have high unmet health needs. The health concerns of elderly women from poorer socio-economic backgrounds often go unnoticed or untreated due to poverty, low medical awareness, the low priority attached to elderly health, and, at times, traditional mindsets that discourage seeking medical care. Most elderly women consult physicians only in extreme cases. For instance, Kaur and Kaur (2019) found that 40.5 percent of medical issues among elderly women in a Chennai urban settlement were left untreated as they were perceived as non-serious. Migration also affects the health-related quality of life of elderly women. Vasim Ahamad and Ram B. Bhagat find that over half of older persons in India have migrated, with women migrating more often than men, primarily due to marriage. Further, female migrants have poorer health-related quality of life than non-migrants.
Social and Economic Contributions of Elderly Women
Older women are often seen as a burden, regarded as dependents with high care needs. However, elderly women play a crucial role in their families and communities through their unpaid care work and paid work in the informal sector. For instance, women over the age of 60 in middle- and low-income countries engage in activities like growing food for family consumption, caring for grandchildren, working in poor-quality informal jobs, and petty production to support their families, yet their contribution is invisible to policymakers. Many also serve as primary caregivers to their husbands, playing a critical role in both childcare and elder care. However, their role in social reproduction is rarely recognised or rewarded. As per a 2021 report by Age International, older women globally engage in nearly 4.3 hours of essential paid and unpaid care work daily. Further, the report calls old women a “hidden” workforce that receive neither adequate remuneration nor recognition. British sociologist Diane Elson also criticises government data on the working-age population as they typically use arbitrary cut-off points (such as 60 or 65 years) that underestimate the informal work and economic contributions of the elderly population.
Elderly women in rural and urban India have, on average, 10 and 7 grandchildren, respectively, and spend 20 hours and 18 hours per week caring for them. They also provide more care for disabled or dependent family members who cannot accomplish simple tasks like eating, dressing, and using the toilet. As per the LASI survey, 70 percent of the elderly women with dependent family members spend about 19.8 hours per week on caregiving.
A substantial portion of elderly women work hard for low wages. According to the LASI Survey, about 22 percent of the women above 60 years are currently working, while 31.1 percent have worked in the past but are currently not working. Nearly 70 percent of working elderly women are engaged in agriculture, followed by wage and salary work (19.5 percent) and self-employment (10.5 percent). Many also perform heavy manual labour under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In states like Kerala, where women constitute about 88 percent of the NREGS workforce, elderly women’s participation rate is high, partly because higher wages deter young men from opting for NREGS jobs. As per news reports, elderly people in Kerala find dignity in working under NREGS and do not want to depend on others. The LASI report also finds that a small proportion of elderly women (about 4.1 percent) provide financial support to family and friends, help them pay for health, education of grandchildren, and marriages.
Concisely, elderly women are contributing members of society and should not be perceived as passive dependents. Official data likely underestimate their work participation, as many are engaged in the informal sector, where data is sparse. The elderly also face discrimination at the workplace and are typically paid less than the younger staff. The mean monthly earnings of those aged 60 and above are lower than those of older adults (aged 45-59 years) (Figure 12), with the most pronounced gap — 42 percent — in wage and salary work. The assumption of the elderly population, including elderly women, as unproductive is misguided. They make an important contribution to their families, society, and the economy. A substantial part of India’s elderly population is actually ‘working poor’, which works very hard for extremely low wages.
Figure 12: Mean Monthly Earnings from Work-Related Activities of Adults Ages 45-59 and Elderly Ages 60 and Above (2017-18)
Traditionally, families — particularly children — have borne all the responsibility of elderly care in India. However, several factors call for greater public assistance towards the elderly population, particularly elderly women. First, constitutional provisions like Articles 41 and 46 mandate state support for disadvantaged communities, and elderly women are among the most socially and economically vulnerable. Second, families alone cannot bear the entire burden of care, as many face poverty, unemployment, or disability themselves. While the urban elite can afford advanced medical facilities, most Indian households are too poor to afford proper nutrition and medical care for the elderly. Households with elderly members are typically worse off economically: their per capita income is INR 42,819 per annum compared to INR 49,174 per annum for households without elderly members. Similarly, the monthly per capita consumption expenditure (MPCE) for households with at least one member aged 45 and above is only INR 2,967. In poorer states like Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh, MPCE is even lower at INR 1,945, INR 2,007, INR 2,316, and INR 2,348 respectively. Moreover, health-related expenses are the most common cause of indebtedness in urban India. Third, a substantial portion of the elderly population is forced to engage in heavy physical labour for a livelihood despite chronic health morbidities and effectively subsidises the economy through unpaid care work.
Lastly, pension coverage in India is extremely low, leaving many elderly women without any income. The central government’s contribution to the elderly pension schemes under the NSAP is paltry, placing the burden on state governments. While some states allocate reasonable resources, elderly women in states like Goa, Bihar, and Manipur suffer due to minimal or no state contributions. Additionally, some state governments like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and West Bengal have adopted a lopsided welfare model — like the Ladli Behena Scheme, Ladki Behin Yojana, and Lakhmi Bhandar — that prioritise younger women aged 18-65, who receive monthly assistance of INR 1,000 to INR 1,500. In contrast, elderly and widowed women, often living with chronic disease or disability, receive much lower pensions (Figure 11). Therefore, both the central and state governments should step up their support for the elderly women.
Towards a ‘Society for All Ages’
As a developing country with massive challenges, India has made many strides in areas like food self-sufficiency, poverty alleviation, and maternal and child health. However, the country now faces a new development challenge: a growing elderly population. India’s health system has traditionally prioritised disease control, maternal and child health, and population stabilisation, while long-term and palliative care for the elderly has remained neglected. Geriatric care is a relatively new field and restricted to urban areas. Therefore, with a rapidly growing elderly population, it is imperative for the country to build an effective senior care system. Within the elderly population, elderly women are the most vulnerable and require substantial state support.
The first step toward improving elderly care, particularly for elderly women, is to build a ‘society for all ages’, where all citizens are valued, treated fairly, and can live with dignity and happiness, regardless of age and gender, free from discrimination. This requires a fundamental change in the way we perceive ageing. Globally, older people experience ageism and are seen as frail or vulnerable and considered dependents. These negative stereotypes associated with the elderly often lead to discrimination against them. The condition of older women is often worse, as they have faced strong gender barriers in their youth, due to which they lack the education, skills, and incomes required for a dignified and fulfilling life in their old age. With many elderly women outliving their partners, feelings of loneliness and despair are common. Moreover, a substantial part of elderly women in India live in poverty. Therefore, this cohort needs:
The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing 2002, adopted at the Second World Assembly on Ageing, stresses three policy directions that can guide India’s care programme for elderly women:
As a large developing economy with serious development challenges, India’s elderly care model cannot be identical to those of Western countries. Unlike developed countries, India’s personal incomes have not increased rapidly, and the country is still predominantly poor. So, the country needs new solutions to care for its rising elderly population. Fortunately, unlike Europe, which is already experiencing labour shortages, India will continue to have a huge young population even as it experiences ageing. A community-based care model, which is less expensive and top-heavy, best suits India. Communities also play a key role in fostering the abilities of older people, so strengthening communities and establishing peer support groups is necessary. In cities and towns, local communities like residents’ welfare associations, religious institutions like temple trusts and gurudwaras, and civil society organisations can play a major role in elderly care. In rural areas, the panchayat should play the central role in providing care and support to elderly residents.
Given the demographic changes, India needs a gender- and age-responsive health policy that is affordable, as a large section of India’s elderly population is also poor. In September 2024, the Government of India undertook a historic step forward in geriatric care by announcing universal health insurance for elderly people aged 70 years and above under the Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana. However, government-provided subsidies are limited to hospitalisation. There is no cover for OPD (outpatient department), physiotherapy, medicines, or home-based palliative care, resulting in high out-of-pocket expenses that remain beyond the reach of ordinary citizens. Therefore, there is an urgent need to extend health insurance coverage to include doctor consultations too.
Policy Recommendations
India’s rural healthcare system should be at the heart of India’s geriatric care model, as nearly 71 percent of the elderly population reside in rural areas. Currently, there are disparities between rural and urban areas in healthcare access. Rural regions face a shortage of doctors, nurses, and specialised medical professionals like physiotherapists. As per the National Health Profile, there were only 43 physicians per 100,000 persons in rural India compared to 118 physicians per 100,000 persons in urban areas. Consequently, people seeking medical services in rural areas often have to travel long distances, up to 100 km, to access medical services.
India’s geriatric care model should focus on improving the quality of care in rural areas. There is a severe shortage of qualified healthcare professionals and transport facilities, including ambulances, in rural areas — issues that require urgent attention. Further, telemedicine can be a potential game changer in efforts to reduce the disparities in healthcare access between rural and urban areas. Since its inception in 2019, the government-led platform, eSanjeevani has facilitated medical consultations for more than 34 crore patients. Arora et al. (2024) identify several challenges such as limited digital and health literacy among older adults in rural areas, unreliable internet connectivity, preference for in-person consultations, and lack of training among medical professionals in rural areas, concerns about quality of care, medico-legal concerns, and lack of clear guidelines. These gaps must be addressed to enable telemedicine to more effectively meet the health needs of the rural elderly population.
Community health workers, Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs), are the backbone of India’s healthcare system. As the first point of contact within communities, they provide health awareness, facilitate access to medical services, and are key to India’s developments in maternal and child health care initiatives. These community care workers can also play an important role in geriatric care through enhanced training in elderly care, technological aids, formal recognition, and adequate compensation. As these workers are embedded in the community, they connect deeply with the elderly persons and provide a source of comfort. A community-centered geriatric care model would need an expansion of the ASHA workforce and considerable skill upgradation for geriatric care.
Food insecurity among the elderly has grown rapidly, and the Annapurna Scheme has limited coverage. In addition to expanding the coverage of the scheme, the Public Distribution System (PDS) should also address the special needs of elderly women, particularly those with severe nutritional deficiencies such as calcium and vitamin D. This can be achieved through food fortification and food diversification.
The elderly population is vulnerable to several vaccine-preventable diseases due to a lack of immunisation, diminished immunity from ageing, chronic conditions, and epidemiological shifts. Adult vaccination can protect the elderly from several diseases like the flu and COVID-19. However, the adult vaccination rate in India is extremely low due to a lack of perceived need and government inattention. Important barriers to adult vaccination include vaccine hesitancy, missed opportunities, and cost. To reduce the burden of vaccine-preventable diseases, the government should improve adult vaccination rates by raising awareness, educating healthcare providers, and promoting life-course immunisation.
India needs a universal pension scheme for its elderly population, particularly elderly women, who live longer and are more vulnerable. Also, it is important that the pension amount covers basic expenses like food, healthcare and shelter. Existing pension schemes exclude the majority of India’s elderly, most of whom have no independent source of income, making them extremely dependent on their children and increasing their chances of abuse. Moreover, the centre’s contribution towards IGNOAPS and IGWPS is a meagre INR 200 per month and INR 300 per month, respectively — an amount which fails to cover even half of the monthly out-of-pocket expenses (INR 405) of any household with at least one elderly member. Therefore, the centre must urgently increase its contribution to these schemes and ensure that pension amounts are adjusted for inflation.
As observed above, several states are making adequate allocations over and above the centre’s contribution, but there is no uniformity across states. Consequently, the elderly population is extremely vulnerable in states where the state government is contributing little or nothing. Therefore, the state governments like Manipur and Bihar, which are not making adequate contributions to the elderly pension schemes, must step up their support, as caring for vulnerable and disadvantaged populations is a core responsibility of any government. Moreover, the lopsided state welfare models that favour younger women over elderly women are morally unjustifiable and also fiscally unsustainable for most states in India, and therefore, needs to be corrected. While there are proven benefits of cash transfers to the poor, elderly women — who are more vulnerable than their counterparts — cannot be discriminated against. Elderly pensions should be equal to or greater than the cash transfers to working-age women. Lastly, there should be special provisions for disabled elderly women and octogenarians, as they are the most vulnerable section within the elderly and require long-term care.
Many destitute elderly women are illiterate, unaware of government schemes meant for them, do not possess requisite documents, and find the process of application cumbersome. Only 28 percent of the elderly are aware of any concession for elderly persons. The awareness of key government schemes like IGNOAPS, IGNWPS, and Annapurna Scheme is only 55 percent, 44 percent, and 12 percent respectively. The following steps must be taken to make government schemes more accessible:
Awareness Campaigns: There is an urgent need to launch awareness campaigns to promote the government schemes directed at elderly women via multi-media campaigns.
Initiate Doorstep Delivery and Start ‘Vriddha Mitra’ Programme to Help Access Benefits: As the elderly often struggle to access public services due to complicated paperwork and the inability to provide requisite documents. Both state and central governments should work to make schemes more accessible to elderly women. Most rely on family members to access government benefits, and those living alone in rural areas — especially with children working in urban areas — face even greater challenges. Doorstep delivery of services and a presence of ‘Vriddha Mitra’ in government offices to guide the elderly through official processes will be a constructive way forward. ‘Vriddha Mitra’ would be volunteers or designated officials in government offices whose main job would be to make elderly persons feel comfortable, explain instructions in simple language, and guide them through the whole official process. Several Indian banks already employ dedicated personnel to help elders. This practice can be adopted in all government offices.
Retain the Human Touch in Elderly Service Provision:
Digitalisation is often presented as a solution to most problems in development delivery, but its effectiveness is questionable, particularly for elderly women who are typically digitally illiterate. Therefore, the offline option must remain available for elderly women without family support.
A large proportion of elderly women are currently working. Although work and income have a positive impact on elderly welfare, it is often distress-driven, and many suffer from chronic illnesses that make hard labour unsuitable. Therefore, the government must ensure decent working conditions and workplaces that address their special needs. MGNREGS serves as a lifeline for rural communities, promoting economic empowerment of women and offering vital livelihood support to elderly women unable to migrate for work. Therefore, improving their working conditions should begin with redesigning MGNREGS to accommodate their interests by strengthening existing features. Frail or chronically ill women should be given work according to their capacity, allowed rest, and other facilities. Similarly, elderly women working for private enterprises and engaging in domestic work should be protected from exploitation through regulations on working hours, fair wages, and equal pay for equal work.
Social conventions have changed rapidly in India, but largely for younger women. Older women continue to be bound by traditional norms. A survey conducted by the Agewell Foundation found that social and religious practices play a major role in gender discrimination in old age. They typically have lower status in the family, restricted social lives, and play minimal roles in decision-making at the family, societal, and national levels. Many are poorly educated, had fewer economic opportunities in their youth, and follow strict beliefs that often conflict with the younger generation’s worldview, hampering inter-generational bonding. Some reports also find that their relationships with younger women, who enjoy greater freedoms and rights, are not affectionate. To address this, mass awareness campaigns are necessary to help elderly women adopt modern ideas, combat gender- and age-related discrimination, sensitise youth, and improve intergenerational interaction. India’s efforts in addressing gender discrimination and selective sex determination at birth can offer important lessons. Civil society organisations can also play an important role towards this end.
As women live longer, lifelong education becomes essential to help them navigate rapid societal changes. Therefore, imparting basic literacy and numeracy skills, along with financial and digital literacy, can enhance their self-worth and help them live a dignified life with more independence. As discussed, elderly women in India lack digital skills and financial literacy, increasing their dependence on family members. There is an urgent need to design community-based training programmes that equip them with these skills. While designing such training programmes, educationists should consider the heterogeneity of elderly women and ensure that they are able to learn at their own pace.
Elderly women are among the most vulnerable during natural disasters (such as floods and earthquakes), humanitarian emergencies (like riots or conflicts), and domestic emergencies involving health, fire, or accidents. Therefore, every district should have an emergency service to help elderly women, particularly the disabled and oldest women, in times of crisis. Greater awareness about the national elderly helpline and prioritising elderly access to food, shelter, and medicines during natural calamities are the way forward. Additionally, the government must take concrete steps to sensitise relief workers to the specific needs of older women and ensure they receive basic care during emergencies.
Malancha Chakrabarty is Senior Fellow and Deputy Director (Research), Observer Research Foundation.
The author thanks Oommen Kurian, Nilanjan Ghosh, and anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments.
Endnotes
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