By “ritual” we mean a series of culturally sanctioned and collectively performed behaviors that are often characterized by fixed patterns, repetition, and lack of clarity about function or causation (Boyer and Linard 2006; Liénard and Boyer 2006; Rappaport 1999; Rossano 2012; Whitehouse 2011). Rituals are often characterized by fixed patterns, repetition, and uncertainty about function or causation. When we refer to “religion”, we are referring to the supernatural forces that are commonly recognized in cultures of belief, or the social and psychological phenomena that are associated with beliefs (Boyer 2003; Guthrie 1993; Jong 2015; Pyysiäinen 2009; Pyysiäinen 2021; Sutherland 2012), and the collective social actions that these beliefs trigger (Rossano 2012). According to these definitions, rituals may or may not involve supernatural elements, but if they do, they are considered religious.
The term “ritual” is commonly used to denote a wide range of behaviors, from large-scale religious or national ceremonies involving complex procedures to simple personal acts such as following local table manners or making the sign of the cross. In addition, the term relates to life transition ceremonies such as birth rites, weddings, funerals, and bar mitzvahs, as well as the calendar rituals of specific times of the year, such as the celebration of the winter solstice or the harvesting of the first fruits of the season. The emotional experience of these collective behaviors can range from monotonous to extremely emotional and even trigger fear or pain. Participants often invest a great deal of energy, wealth, and time in the performance of the rituals, which may be manifested in frequent communal chanting and prayers or through extravagant consumption and feasting that occurs incidentally but is highly visual and sensual in nature (Whitehouse 2021). However, despite the high costs involved in many rituals, they often have no immediate practical value. For those rituals that seem to serve some practical purpose, it is also widely believed that their effects are through magical powers. This is because the relationship between ritual behavior and stated goals cannot in principle be accounted for in terms of physical causation for they lack a clear and unambiguous chain of causation (Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994; Whitehouse 2011). In other words, these ritual acts have an incomprehensible causal structure. However, they may have a potential role to play in promoting social cohesion, loyalty and driving cooperation. Such roles are of two main types: those that inspire extreme self-sacrifice in small groups in the face of collective action challenges such as external threats; and those that are weaker but more widely disseminated, and can be used to inspire obedience and loyalty among group members in larger “imagined” communities (such as national or global religions) (Whitehouse 2021).
Sports competition is a secular ritual that creates a sense of local and national identity (Arens 1976; Cheska 1978; Foley 1990; Guttmann 1978). Extensive research in several countries has shown that sports can be used as a powerful tool to foster a sense of national identity and national belonging. For example, in East Germany and Romania, sports clubs were used to strengthen national identity (Vinokur 1988). In Ireland, sport is seen as a symbol of community division and unity (Sugden and Bairner 1993). In Japan, judo is not only a martial art but also a part of the culture and national identity (Horne et al. 1994). Cameroon’s soccer culture, especially the success of its national soccer team, has also played an important role in shaping national identity and pride (Clignet and Stark 1974). In other words, charismatic religious gatherings and large-scale sporting events do have commonalities in terms of crowd behavior. At soccer games, we can see elements similar to religious rituals. For example, supporters will wear uniform clothing representing their team’s colors to show their identity and recognition, sing and cheer together, and even perform some specific ritual actions. All of which are similar to collective prayers and worship in religious events. The design of the soccer stadium is similar to the ring structure used in religious celebrations, becoming a “holy place” where supporters experience the excitement and emotional catharsis of the game together. In addition, the game has a social cohesion effect, bringing together people of different backgrounds, ages, and social classes to support their team. This collective experience and emotional resonance have similarities to the unity and empathy sought in religious rituals. Through these shared experiences, the game of soccer strengthens the bonds between people and enhances their sense of identity with their community and nation.
Most social scientists have long believed that certain collective rituals (e.g., collective applause, funeral rites, fasting rituals) can hold groups together (Goody 2004; Lobato and Sainz 2021; Shalihin and Sholihin 2022). The fourteenth-century scholar Ibn Khaldu¯n referred to this as “asabı¯yah,” which loosely translates from Arabic as “social cohesion” or “unity” (Khaldun 2014; Turchin 2007).
Anxiety and uneasiness in collective rituals can stimulate strong emotions, which are transformed into distinct and deeply personal memories. These memories prompt introspection and self-reflection, which in turn generate a sense of personal meaning that binds the individual to the group (Atkinson and Whitehouse 2011; Fischer et al. 2014; van Mulukom 2017; Whitehouse 1996, 2018; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Xygalatas et al. 2013). Initially, it was proposed that grief and anxiety rituals may stimulate fusion within the group (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014), for example, Whitehouse (2024) found that people who reported intense grief at the funeral of Queen Elizabeth II showed higher levels of identity fusion and commitment to supporting the group (White et al. 2024). However, subsequent research has shown that rituals that generate positive emotions can similarly enhance identity fusion, in some cases even more so than those that are anxiety-inducing. For example, Kavanagh and other researchers explored the impact of promotion rituals in Brazilian jiu-jitsu schools in a 2019 study, where they observed that positive emotions enhanced levels of fusion among members and club-friendly group behavior over negative emotions (Kavanagh et al. 2019).
Khaldu¯n argues that social cohesion is rooted in kinship, but can be extended to tribes and nations through collective rituals and ideologies. According to Whitehouse (1995) mentioned in, specific elements of rituals (e.g., causal opacity and emotional arousal) tend to foster a sense of psychological kinship among participants (Whitehouse 1995). This relationship is extremely strong, causing people to view other members of the group as close relatives. Based on this evidence, it has been argued that psychological kinship developed through rituals can be equated with identity fusion (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014)? Whitehouse and Hodder, through their study of ancient rituals, have proposed two models of religious beliefs in which rituals act as shapers of psychological affinities doctrinal (repetitive and routine) versus imaginative (highly evocative and emotionally intense) religions (Whitehouse 2014; Whitehouse and François 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). Whereas doctrinal practices are repetitive and routinized behaviors that reinforce collective beliefs, such as weekly church services where participants engage in communal singing, prayers, and sermons (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). The imaginative practices, on the other hand, are intense, emotionally charged experiences that can build strong social bonds, such as the haka dance in rugby and rituals such as scarification or self-flagellation in certain tribal and religious practices (Whitehouse and François 2017). Compared to the routinized practices of doctrinal religions, the intense, emotionally charged rituals of imagined religions can lead to stronger identity fusion (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). In other words, the frequent repetition and predictable rituals of doctrinal rituals reinforce group norms and values and create a stable group identity, but may not produce deep emotional bonds. In contrast, the causal opacity and intense emotional stimulation of imagery practices can create deeper, heartfelt psychological bonds that are critical to identity fusion. A distinguishing feature of the imagery model is that it stimulates transformative experiences through the enactment of traumatic ordeals that become deeply imprinted in participants’ memories. This process prompts participants to engage in interpretation and reflection that lasts for years or even a lifetime (Martin and Pachis 2009; Whitehouse 1995, 2000, 2004). Through constant self-examination and reassessment of the experience, this in turn deepens the transformative impact on personal identity. With this in mind, grounded in Identity Fusion Theory (IFT), this study synthesizes two seminal theoretical strands in collective ritual studies: (1) the Durkheimian collective effervescence framework, and (2) Whitehouse’s imagistic practices from the doctrinal-imagistic dichotomy (Almqvist and Linklater 2015; Bailey and Barclay 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). By innovatively applying this integrated paradigm to analyze football ultras subculture, we address the underexplored ritual mechanisms in sports collectivism literature. While prior scholarship has predominantly focused on religious and traditional community rituals’ impact on social cohesion (e.g., Ibn Khaldūn’s “asabīyah” concept, Kertzer’s polysemy analysis (Khaldun 2014; Turchin 2007)), this research pioneers the application of an operationalized tripartite ritual framework — encompassing causal opacity, emotional intensity, and behavioral synchrony — to analyze highly organized modern football subcultures, elucidating how ultras supporters reconstruct individual-group identity boundaries through affectively charged collective practices.
On the one hand, according to the above-mentioned causal opacity of behavior and strong emotional stimuli in imaginative religions are key elements to facilitate identity fusion (Whitehouse 1995). On the other hand, Durkheim argues that participants in rituals develop synchronized behaviors and shared emotional experiences as a result of the presence of others. This empathy triggers a deep emotional resonance that facilitates mutual emotional feedback among participants, ultimately leading to a state of heightened emotion, a collective seething (Rimé and Páez 2023): the collective boiling. In addition, collective rituals are characterized by a series of predetermined actions in which participants share the same focus and engage in synchronous behaviors. This synchronized behavior, mimicry, and shared experience allow people to feel more connected to others (Mogan et al. 2017; Rennung and Göritz 2016; Rimé and Páez 2023). Therefore, according to the results of the relevant studies mentioned above, the components of imagery practice in rituals are causal opaque relationships, high-intensity emotional responses, and synchronicity of behaviors.
The first component is the causally opaque relationship that is the defining characteristic of ritualized behavior. Both participants and bystanders have difficulty articulating a rationale for ritualized behaviors, arguing that rituals do not have a clear causal logic and that they seem to lack a direct instrumental connection to the ultimate goal being pursued. In performing rituals, it is assumed that these behaviors unfold in particular forms not because they produce the desired effects through conventional causal mechanisms, but because they follow ancient traditions, magical prescriptions, or the requirements of doctrinal authority so that those involved in rituals are often also unable to articulate why they follow particular procedures in particular rituals. Causal opaqueness leads to a remarkable consequence: the symbolic acts of ritual always imply something more than what it says and have multiple meanings at the same time (Moore 1977),which Kertzer refers to as polysemy. In other words, even if people have a deep intuition about the meaning embedded in ritual, they may have difficulty explaining why it is precisely that particular series of actions, and not others, that has become the preferred mode of symbolic expression. This elusive nature means that rituals can carry a wealth of symbolic meaning, while at the same time, one may not be able to pinpoint which particular elements give the ritual its symbolic power. For example, the crossing of the cross is a versatile ritual act that may represent relief or fear, or it may be used to express reverence or piety. Causal opacity can also be seen in Mediterranean soccer culture: the waving of crucifixes and devil masks behind the goal, the sprinkling of salt on the team’s goal – even the sacrifice of roosters and hens – and the wearing of an icon of the club’s scarf (Juventus supporter Jesus) (Bromberger 1987). In some cases, people may not exactly know the real reason why they perform this ritual. The multiple meanings and deep emotional connections of such actions often go beyond the surface physical behavior and touch the core of faith and cultural traditions. However, why is it that behaviors that are not seen as having a rational causal structure can spread through human communities and take root in culture? Psychological research has developed the concept of “over-imitation,” the copying of behaviors for which causation is not obvious. This phenomenon is actually driven by an individual’s desire for social attention and affiliation, rather than simply seeking the actual outcome of an action (Kenward et al. 2011; Nielsen and Blank 2011). This social learning may be an important part of gaining and maintaining group membership (Whitehouse 2011), and individuals may unconsciously learn and internalize social norms and values to integrate more effectively into social groups. Such opacity thus adds mystery to rituals and may enhance their cohesion and symbolic meaning at the cultural and social levels.
The second key element of rituals is the emotional response of the participants to the ritual, which can vary in intensity from violent to mild. This means that rituals can elicit varying degrees of emotional experience, which can create empathy and emotional connection among participants. These emotional responses may be a key factor in the success and effectiveness of rituals, as they can enhance the impact of rituals on the personal meaning of participants and create a shared emotional climate within the group. According to Richert et al. (2005), rituals that elicit strong emotional responses are more likely to shape identity and be life-changing experiences than those that elicit lower levels of emotional responses (i.e., low arousal) (Richert et al. 2005). In particular, painful or frightening ritual ordeals, such as “hazing” in the military or “initiation rites” in tribal contexts, are associated with particularly strong group bonds (Barth, 1975; Turner 1969; Whitehouse 1996; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Whitehouse et al. 2014). Whitehouse et al. (2017) found that in group cultures at U.S. universities, such as fraternities and sororities, members who perceived initiation rituals (hazing) as more critical to their personal identity tended to exhibit higher levels of identity fusion and were more willing to make sacrifices for the good of the group (Whitehouse et al. 2017). However, Newson et al. (2016) also found that when arousal states were triggered by painful emotions (e.g., anxiety or disapproval) or euphoric emotions (e.g., excitement or a sense of well-being), the painful emotions were more likely to lead to deep self-reinvention, which in turn facilitated a high degree of identity fusion and long-term loyalty between the individual and the group (Newson et al. 2016). Páez et al. (2015) found that people express a stronger sense of fusion after participating in a group walking ritual. This relationship was facilitated by perceived emotional synchronization (Páez et al. 2015). Previous research has also shown that pain and suffering experienced during rituals can facilitate empathic arousal, which in turn enhances an individual’s pro-social behavior (Xygalatas et al. 2013). Thus, in addition to high emotional experiences, perceived psychological pain (e.g., a home loss against a key opponent) may also reshape a supporter’s personal identity during game attendance.
The third component is the synchronization of actions between participants in a collective ritual. Synchronicity refers to the matching of rhythmic behaviors between people, and collective rituals are characterized by a sequence of predetermined actions in which participants share a focus of attention and synchronized behaviors, such as marching, singing, dancing, or mimicking the same gestures and slogans (Collins 2004b; Páez et al. 2015). In the context of supporter events, this concept can refer to cheering actions (songs, gestures, flags) that are agreed upon with other organization members who will be under the direction of the raid leader’s shout, as well as pre-game preparatory activities such as making and setting up a Tifo with organization members. Several studies have shown that synchronicity enhances perceived similarity between individuals (Rabinowitch and Knafo-Noam 2015; Valdesolo and DeSteno 2011) and promotes a sense of unity or “oneness” within the group (Lakens 2010; Lakens and Stel 2011; Reddish et al. 2016). In short, when people synchronize their behavior with others, they not only feel congruent with others but also experience emotional resonance, which further influences their commitment and response to collective activities. Thus, these synchronized behaviors that constitute rituals are considered to be one of the precursors of perceived emotional synchrony (Collins 2004b; Durkheim 1915; Emile Durkheim 2016; Páez et al. 2015). Emotional synchrony, in turn, mediates the effects of behavioral engagement on various outcomes of collective participation (Wlodarczyk et al. 2020; Zabala et al. 2024a). Through these synchronized actions and experiences, people develop a psychological sense of belonging and feeling part of a larger whole. This sense of belonging plays an important role in social cohesion and social identity formation (Mogan et al. 2017; Rennung and Göritz 2016; Rimé and Páez 2023). Synchronization with others also seems to deepen individuals’ perceptions of self and others on a psychological level, thus shaping their self-concepts, such as self-construction (Markus 1991). Previous research has shown that synchrony affects group behavior, such as members showing pro-sociality toward other members (Launay et al. 2014; Reddish et al. 2013) or toward outgroup members (Reddish et al. 2016). This synchronicity with others can also be applied to the context of supporter cultures, such as human waves (“Mexican waves”), large Tifo displayed uniformly in the stands, and uniform dress codes.
Overall, the ritual elements of imagery practices help facilitate the fusion of personal and social identities. This means that various components of rituals, such as causal opacity, intensity of emotional responses, and synchronicity (including behavioral unity and emotional resonance), can drive individuals to integrate their own self-identity with the values and goals of the organization in which they are embedded, leading to the fusion of identity at the level of the individual and the organizational group. By participating in these rituals, individuals come to see themselves as part of a social collective and internalize the collective’s identity and interests in their self-perception. Within supporter culture, a range of specific elements may inspire a shift in supporter self-identity. These include specific meeting gestures between supporters, exclusive organizational identities (e.g., distinctive clothing, stickers, tattoos), and full-throated cheering throughout the game regardless of winners and losers (which exemplifies causally opaque behaviors), as well as unified cheering actions (which exemplify synchronicity) under the instructions of the raid leader shout. In addition, supporters’ travel to away games typically involves long-distance travel and psychological exhaustion (including negative emotions), as well as feelings of excitement (i.e., agitation) while attending the game, experiences that may contribute to the convergence of supporter identities. In short, these multidimensional experiences and behaviors not only deepen the bonds between supporters but also strengthen their identification and fusion of supporter identities.
