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THE midterm elections are over, and the winners have taken their oaths of office and begun serving their terms, but the politics is far from over. In saying that, I am not referring to election protests and petitions for the disqualification of winning candidates, but to the impeachment case against Vice President Sara Duterte.
The Senate, which “[h]as the sole power to try all impeachment cases,” has been widely criticized for the inordinate delay in hearing the case. Senate President Francis “Chiz” Escudero blames the House of Representatives for elevating the case to the upper chamber at the 11th hour, just as the 19th Congress is about to adjourn sine die. But no matter what, the ball has been in the Senate, and any move to delay the hearing only served to impassion the public. Even those who gave the vice president the “benefit of the doubt” now demand the senator-judges to take their oaths and begin the trial.
The narratives have shifted from the political persecution of one of the country’s most enduring political dynasties to Duterte’s accountability and transparency. The public now sees the impeachment trial as an opportunity for the second-highest official of the land to prove her accusers wrong. The vice president is now left with no other option but to hire the best lawyers to defend her from charges of graft and corruption, among other impeachable offenses. The more senator-judges raise “constitutionality issues,” the more the public becomes convinced that those were desperate efforts to shield Duterte from charges she is probably guilty of.
Political dynasty
After 38 years, Congress is yet to give flesh to Section 26, Article II of the 1987 Philippine Constitution that “guarantee(s) equal access to opportunities for public service” by “prohibit(ing) political dynasties.” Unfortunately, the provision is not self-executing and requires further legislation to implement it. Leaving to the legislators the act of defining a “political dynasty” was a mistake borne of “overestimating the spirit of [the] EDSA [Revolution] and underestimating the greed of politicians,” former Constitutional Commission delegate Christian Monsod said.
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Senators Panfilo Lacson, Grace Poe and Robinhood Padilla each filed measures — Senate Bill (SB) 30 in 2019, SB 548 in 2022, and SB 2730 in 2024, respectively — banning political dynasties. Their attempts, and many others in the House, have failed, obviously for being contrary to the self-interest of the political dynasts in Congress.
Petitions for certiorari and mandamus by various individuals, like former vice president Teofisto Guingona, retired Supreme Court justice Antonio Carpio and former ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales; and cause-oriented groups like Advocates for National Interest, led by retired lieutenant general Edilberto Adan, to name a few, are yet to be granted the reliefs prayed for. They all urged the Supreme Court to exercise its duty to assert the Constitution’s supremacy and direct Congress to perform its ministerial duty or declare that it committed “grave abuse of discretion” in refusing to perform its constitutionally mandated obligation to pass the enabling law pertaining to political dynasties.
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Good governance
Political dynasts and their advocates argued that their election was through their electorate’s exercise of their sovereign rights of suffrage and free will to choose their leaders. But what if the voters were not presented any other choice; or, while better candidates are available, lack of resources to oppose moneyed, influential and politically established clans prevented them from running?
That is exactly what the Constitution seeks to prevent. In barring political dynasties, it seeks to “widen the opportunities of competent, young and promising poor candidates to occupy important positions in the government.” While there may be incumbent government officials who have ascended to power despite the odds, they are the exceptions rather than the rule. The dynasts’ grip on political power — from winning their first election to decades of perpetration to power — they owe to the vast economic fortunes they have amassed and the massive influence they have established over the years.
But until the Supreme Court grants the petitioners’ pleas, or until conscience prevails upon politically established clans in Congress and heed the public clamor, political dynasties will stay. And the people’s only way to boot out political dynasts from office is through the power of their votes.
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Interim solution
There were rare cases where a “nobody” becomes a “case study” for winning against a political kingpin. There were even exceptional cases of a “somebody” dislodging and eventually dismantling a political dynasty.
To the latter class belongs Pasig City Mayor Vico Sotto, now on his third term. Although what makes his case exceptional was not only in unseating one of the country’s longest-sitting dynasties and winning three three-year consecutive terms. His feat was the complete dismantling from the political arena of the entire Eusebio clan that lorded over Pasig for 27 years. His strength, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism noted, lies in good governance, one that is transparent, inclusive, participatory and responsive to the needs and aspirations of people from the grassroots.
Another is new Cebu Gov. Pamela Baricuatro. She is a “dragon slayer,” having dislodged Gwendolyn Garcia, who has been the province’s chief executive for 15 years after succeeding her father. Baricuatro, a flight attendant and philanthropist who has never held any political post, won over Garcia by around 342,000 votes. While Baricuatro credits her victory to Duterte’s endorsement, she claims that Cebuanos’ desire for real reforms through good governance catapulted her to the Cebu Capitol.
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Meanwhile, voters in Laguna province’s San Pablo City have handpicked a man worthy of their aspirations for good governance. To them, Arcadio “Najie” Gapangada Jr., a former village councilor, is not just a Don Quixote who can challenge the incumbent Vicente Amante and put an end to his clan’s three decades of rule, which were marred by allegations of corruption, mismanagement and nepotism in awarding government contracts. Folks there saw in Gapangada the embodiment of change, progress and inclusivity in local governance. They trusted and voted for him to be a champion who can inspire local and foreign investors to bring in capital, spur development and bring the city back to its former glory as the exponent of progress in the province.
The power to unseat political dynasts and undesirable elective officials remains with our informed, reasoned and principled voting. If we will not be swayed by the proverbial “guns, goons and gold,” we can elect the public servants our country and our children’s future deserve. We should be vigilant in ensuring that these public officials remain true to their commitments, or we use the might of our votes to replace them in the next election.
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Crow’s Nest joins Philippine Military Academy (PMA) Superintendent Vice Adm. Caesar Bernard Valencia and the entire PMA community in according a testimonial parade and review in honor of Lt. Gen. Roy M. Galido, the 66th commanding general of the 150,000-strong Philippine Army. Galido was cited for his visionary leadership and firm resolve in developing the Army’s fighting capability. He was bestowed the Dangal ng Akademya (Academy’s Pride) Award at Fort del Pilar in Baguio City on July 5, 2025.
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