Since the much-lauded signing of US president Donald Trump’s “peace deal”, at least 600 Palestinians have been killed in the Strip, according to the Gazan Health Ministry – a rough average of more than four people per day.
Most were killed in Israeli attacks along the “yellow line” – the demarcation between Israeli and Hamas-controlled Gaza – or in airstrikes launched against targets west of the line, ie: on the Hamas side, where the vast majority of the population now live.
Though it is important to note that Gaza’s Health Ministry does not differentiate between combatants and civilians in its data, many of those who died were clearly in the latter category – not least the 120 children killed during this timeframe.
120 children have been killed during the ceasefire
At the same time, living conditions for the 2.2 million people in Gaza have only marginally improved, with Israel continuing to restrict the entry of goods, including humanitarian aid.
The impact on a weakened population living in tents and ruined buildings through the cold and wet season can be seen in the deaths from hypothermia of 11 infants and children this winter, according to the Health Ministry.
Israel, in general, and prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu in particular, have grown adept at recognising when it is necessary to make a small concession in order to stave off overwhelming external pressure.
Such was the case in the summer of 2025 when Israel blunted growing fury at its use of hunger as a weapon in Gaza by establishing the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, with US support.
11 children and infants have been killed by hypotheria
Israel’s agreement to the ceasefire in October can be viewed in a similar light, as a small step back that ultimately does not impede its objectives in Gaza.
The continuation of the war under the cover of the ceasefire is best demonstrated through Israel Defence Force (IDF) attacks against individuals who cross the “yellow line”.
Often, the only information relating to such incidents is opaque press releases from the IDF, such as this one from February 9: “IDF troops operating in the northern Gaza Strip identified a terrorist who crossed the yellow line and approached the troops, posing an imminent threat to their safety.
“Following the identification, the troops eliminated the terrorist in order to remove the threat.”
600 Gazans have been reported as being killed since the ceasefire began
The National went over all such statements released since October 10, which show that according to its own press releases, the IDF conducted such attacks around 70 times, killing approximately 130 people.
These numbers do not include the incidents where the IDF referred to “armed terrorists” crossing the “yellow line” in its statements, or to those that were accompanied by video footage showing armed men.
Hamas remains a presence on the battlefield, and its gunmen and RPG teams continue to attack IDF positions along the “yellow line”. Five Israeli soldiers have been killed in Gaza since October 10, and in one of the most recent attacks, on February 4, an IDF officer was severely wounded by Hamas fire.
Additionally, on a number of occasions during the ceasefire, Israel has launched waves of airstrikes on targets west of the “yellow line”, saying these are in response to Hamas violations of the ceasefire.
Such was the case this month on February 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, and 14. But not only do these strikes often result in civilian casualties, they also imply that in instances where the IDF does not launch strikes following a “terrorist” crossing the “yellow line”, it is implicitly acknowledging that its troops are gunning down civilians.
This impression is given weight by the visit of a Haaretz journalist to Israeli troops inside Gaza recently. Overwatching the “yellow line”, the commanders on the ground said “anyone who crosses it is killed,” before adding that women and children are turned back, but adult men are shot dead.
The ‘Yellow Line’ has seen a reported 130 civilians killed for crossing it
Not only does this appear to be an admission of war crimes by commanders on the ground, but it is also not accurate.
When brothers Juma and Fadi Abu Asi, aged 11 and eight, crossed the “yellow line” in late November, Israeli troops did not turn them back.
They launched a drone strike on the two children, who were searching for firewood for their disabled father. The IDF press release referring to the killing of the boys was one of the only two that mentioned killing “suspects” rather than “terrorists”.
While Israel has marked the “yellow line” on the ground in some places, using yellow painted cement blocks, this has not occurred consistently. An issue made more dangerous to Gazan civilians by the IDF at times arbitrarily moving the lethal boundary further to the west, the BBC and Reuters reported last month.
Not only do attacks against the population continue under the cover of the ceasefire, but so does the destruction of Gaza’s cities.
East of the “yellow line”, the Israeli military continues its demolition of tunnels used by Hamas, but also of much of the rest of the buildings held in the territory it captured.
Last month, the IDF told the New York Times that it had destroyed 2500 buildings since the implementation of the ceasefire, infrastructure that the army said was booby-trapped.
But as was the case in Rafah prior to Trump’s deal, the IDF appears to be destroying nearly all buildings, irrespective of whether they constitute military or civilian structures.
A precedent for Israel agreeing to a ceasefire and then continuing combat operations can be found not far from Gaza, in the south of Lebanon.
Since the agreement in November 2024, which brought the open fighting between Hezbollah and the IDF to a close, Israeli strikes in Lebanon have continued regularly.
Their frequency has waxed and waned, escalating up to near-daily airstrikes at times, resulting in around 400 dead. Many of these fatalities are from among the ranks of Hezbollah, with the IDF saying its attacks are intended to prevent the Shi’ite militia from reconstituting itself.
Irrespective of the justification, this is not how ceasefires function, and while the violence continues, Lebanese civilians continue to die.
As has been the case in Lebanon, Israel may find it useful to ratchet up the level of fighting taking place in Gaza at a time of its choosing. Reporting in the Israeli media this week indicates that Israel will relaunch offensive operations in Gaza in 60 days, if Hamas does not agree to disarm – with Gaza City reported as a likely first target.
Such an attack could collapse the so-called ceasefire, or it could mean even higher levels of violence taking place while the zombie truce staggers on. To Gazans living through violence today, with the possibility of even more ahead of them, the nuances between these different scenarios may be irrelevant.
