The elimination of Bahlil’s supporter Ijeck at the National Conference was interpreted as an inward stab: cutting the person who had previously reached out.
Golkar always displays the banyan tree as a symbol of shadow. But in North Sumatra last week what was heard was not the rustling of the wind, but the sound of saws on the trunk: fast, sharp and leaving behind a suspicious powder. Deputy Chairman of the Golkar DPP North Sumatra Political, Legal and Human Rights Coordinator Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, in front of reporters in Medan, Saturday (20/12), accused Golkar DPP General Chairman Bahlil Lahadalia, General Secretary Muhammad Sarmuji and Deputy General Chairman Ahmad Doli Kurnia Tandjung as traitors, after Musa Rajekshah (Ijeck) was dismissed from his position as chairman of the North Sumatra DPD. Golkar DPD.
The word betrayal is bitter because public memory still preserves the scenes of August 2024. After Airlangga Hartarto resigned as general chairman on August 10, 2024, the party machine searched for a new captain. On August 14, 2024, Ijeck expressed his support to DPD Golkar of North Sumatra for Bahlil as a candidate for general chairman, and emphasized that this support extended to 33 districts/cities. He even said that at that time the plan was to limit himself to Bahlil.
The party calendar is also marked: the National Conference is scheduled for August 20, 2024 and the opening of the 11th National Conference the same evening. Following a series of forums at the JCC, Senayan, Jakarta, Bahlil was appointed general president for the period 2024-2029 by acclamation on August 21, 2024, as the only candidate who passed the verification. The party’s official report states that the process went smoothly and the requirement of support of at least 30 percent of vote holders in the National Conference was met. The National Conference Chairman also mentioned the support of almost 100 percent of DPD Levels I, II, as well as the Hasta Karya organization.
In this context, Ijeck’s withdrawal, more than a year later, is easy to read as a knife turned inward: it does not cut the tangled cord, but slices the person who first reached out. The DPP, through Sarmuji, finalized the changes as part of the implementation of the regional mousda. Ijeck responded coldly, admitting that he had not received the official decree and handed everything over to the President General. But cold in the mouth does not automatically cool the body temperature. Basically, the political machine does not stand still and overflows.
Riza interpreted this incident as an attempt to weaken the Golkar machine in North Sumatra. He called Ijeck a powerful instrument of democracy and difficult to defeat. Thus, in the logic he accused of weakening Golkar, Ijeck had to first be deposed, then replaced as a puppet figure. He even accused former President Joko Widodo of taking political orders to protect the interests of his son-in-law, Bobby Nasution, in the run-up to regional elections. This accusation is certainly serious; demands equal answers: transparency, measurable reasoning and testable processes.
The problem is that Golkar risks something more costly than a single position: the autonomy of the party from the logic of power that operates outside the structure. If the change of regional president takes place without clear arguments, the party suggests that it is no longer a house of executives, but a branch of interests. And when executives see that support is only valued until someone arrives at headquarters, they learn cunning politics: loyalty is not an ethic, but a disposable ticket torn, crumpled, then thrown in the trash.
Golkar has survived because it is adept at managing friction: factions live under one roof, conflicts are resolved through forums and not unilateral ambition. If we now use a hammer to arrange the list of names, the party can appear orderly, even if it is fragile. Cleanliness born of fear always produces resistance, whether through silent disobedience or vote migration in the next election. It is certain that the political machine of the grassroots cadres is roaring.
Riza asked Akbar Tandjung elders in Airlangga Hartarto to intervene. This call signals a crisis: some parts of the framework feel that internal mechanisms are no longer enough to protect them. If three friends Bahlil, Sarmuji and Doli want to break the traitor word without making a fuss in a cafe, the method is simple and elegant: reveal the basis of the decision, explain the performance measures, ensure that the mousda functions fairly and prove that the Beringin party still has roots and not pretty slogans on banners.
Otherwise, the label of treason will become a poison that will spread within the Banyan Party. He sticks to whoever is at the top, because what is betrayed is not a name, but the reason for the organization. A party that loses its reason will lose its leadership and its voters. It is said that down below, the roots of an old banyan tree are pruned by three friends, courtiers of politics and power.
